Posts tonen met het label media production. Alle posts tonen
Posts tonen met het label media production. Alle posts tonen

maandag 7 december 2015

Holly, Bolly, Nolly

Meet Nigeria’s film industry: Nollywood!

You probably heard of Bollywood, and we are almost positive that you have seen some of Hollywood’s finest blockbusters. But did you ever hear of Nollywood? Similar to the way Daya Kishan Thussu discusses Bollywood as a global media contraflow of Hollywood, in his article Cultural Practices and Media Production: The Case of Bollywood (Thussu, 2012), in this blog we will discuss Nollywood as another transnational cultural flow. Lagos, the largest city in Nigeria, ‘is one of the most chaotic, least planned mega-cities, and yet out of it has grown the newest major film industry in the world: Nollywood.’ (Hartley et al, 2013:47). In 2009, Nollywood surpassed Hollywood as the world’s second largest film industry by volume, right behind India’s Bollywood. It is a $3.3 billion sector, with 1844 movies produced in 2013 alone (http://fortune.com). We will discuss the cultural production of this film industry, in its wider transnational context of media globalization. We will start by arguing the ambiguity of the term Nollywood and provide a small description of what Nollywood entails and how it came into existence. Moreover, we will focus on the important role Nigerian films have on its diasporic audience, as it serves as a cultural guidebook connecting to the home country. Finally, we will show how the African diaspora living in China is a source of transnational creativity, as the African film King of Guangzhou shows. We will conclude the blog by regarding it as a starting point for further research.   
The term Nollywood, a take-off on the popular Bollywood films from India, is invented by a non-Nigerian to describe the Nigerian film industry. The term first appeared in an article by Matt Steinglass in the New York Times in 2002 and continued to be imposed by foreigners to Nigeria (http://nollywoodjournal.com). Even though the term Nollywood is used to describe the film industry, just like Bollywood for Indian films, there are those who resist the name in favour of something else. Prince Bubacarr A. Sankanu, a Germany-based Gambian film and TV producer, explains: ‘the foreign-imposed "Nollywood" name is neocolonial, subservient and derogatory’ (https://www.linkedin.com). According to him, Nigerian Cinema has more to offer than "Nollywood" which can not be the supreme definition, origin and future of what Nigerian film culture and industry should be like. He prefers the term Cinenaija, which literally means ‘cinema of Nigeria’ as cine is derived from cinema and Naija is the authentic name Nigerians use to describe their nation (http://www.africanexecutive.com).
C'est un tournage assez exceptionnel a bien des égards : il a duré cinq semaines (la moyenne est d'une semaine), a coûté pour l’instant 130 mille euros (la moyenne est de 12 mille euros) et a été tourné avec une caméra 35mm (en général, ce sont de petites caméras numériques).La piraterie limite les bénéfices et donc des investissements plus importants qui pourraient conduire à améliorer la qualité des films. Les distributeurs sont contraints de se lancer dans une course au retour sur investissements, aussi minimes soient-ils.
 The emergence of film industry Nollywood goes back to the late 1980's and early 1990's, when movie theaters closed because of growing epidemics of crime and insecurity. Videos for home viewing imported from the West and India were only mildly popular and so Nigerians saw the opportunity to fill the void with products of their own (http://nollywoodjournal.com).  This ties in with the concept of ‘cultural proximity’ (Huat, 2011: 233), when audiences desire their own language & culture in the media. Nollywood offers its audience characters they can identify with in stories that relate to what they confront daily. The settings are familiar and the film’s stars native Nigerians (www.thisisnollywood.com). It all started in 1992, when electronics salesman Kenneth Nnebue shot a straight-to-video movie in one month, on a budget of just $12,000. Living in Bondage sold more than a million copies, mostly by street vendors, and film industry Nollywood was born (http://fortune.com).
And so, the film industry evolved ‘out of  an informal economic base reliant on pirate networks that have gone commercial, with absolutely no state subsidy or other support mechanisms, Nigerian  video is low-tech, low production quality, high-volume filmmaking servicing mostly the urban poor’ (Hartley et al, 2013:47). An average production takes just 10 days, it costs approximately $15,000 and the films go straight to DVD and VCD discs. Shooting is inevitably delayed by obstacles unimaginable in California, as star actors regularly don't show up when they're supposed to and location shooting is often delayed by local thugs (www.thisisnollywood.com). Even so, Nollywood producers are indomitable, they have struck a profitable and long-neglected market and continue to make movies at a fast rate.  
The appeal of Nollywood stretches far beyond Nigeria, as the films prove to be popular among African diaspora. Diaspora are by definition collective and ‘linked through multiple transnational networks and connections with their culture and/or place of origin, with each other in various locations and the societies in which diasporic groups permanently reside’ (Berghahn & Sternberg, 2010:14). The Nigerian films are important influences, as Femi Odugbemi, a Nigerian documentary filmmaker explains ‘for Africans living in the Diaspora, Nollywood has for long represented much more than entertainment. It has been their link to the homeland. Nollywood films have been the ready references to their children and neighbours of the details of their cultural identity’ (http://blogs.indiewire.com/). So, according to Odugbemi Nollywood is ‘Africa's voice to the world’, a cinema that goes beyond entertainment, but provides a representation of Africa’s culture and therefore is all about identity.
Nigerian films offer African diaspora a reference book, a glimpse of African life and at the same time, diasporas are a source of creativity. ‘'While their relationship with societies of settlement may be challenging in a number of ways, diasporas also ‘enrich life in host countries’, contributing not just to the economy but also to creative and cultural pluralism and diversity (Cohen 2008: 17)' (Berghahn & Sternberg, 2010 :14). This is certainly true for the large diasporic community of Nigerians living in China. Guangzhou is actually nicknamed "Chocolate City" by the Chinese, as between 20 and 100.000 Africans, mainly Nigerians, live there. According to Nusa Tukic, professor in Cultural Relations between China and Africa, the large Nigerian diaspora in Guangzhou explains the interest in African films that take place in China (http://chinafrica.info/). An example of such a film is King of Guangzhou (2013) directed by Quester Hannah, a narrative short film about a Nigerian man who struggles to stay in China despite facing deportation. King of Guangzhou is just one example of a film in which filmmakers explore cultural diversity and portray the large African diaspora in China.
As we have seen, Nigerian films spread far beyond Nigeria’s borders and is a reference book of authentic values and traditions for African diasporas. Guangzhou is a city that houses one of these diasporic communities and their experiences serve as inspiration for films such as King of Guangzhou. Apart from what we discussed in our blog, there are more aspects of Nollywood that are worth of critical discussion. We were limited in our expansion on this topic and we are aware of the fact that it raises more questions. Such as whether Nollywood is the correct term for addressing the Nigerian film industry? Can Nollywood as an international cultural flow be considered as a challenge to the hegemony of Hollywood? How is the Nigerian film industry related to other film industries in Africa? How will the technological development of Nollywood influence the production, and distribution of Nigerian films? It certainly requires more research and discussion to analyse this booming film industry, outside the scope of this blog.


B.L., E.K., L.C., N.R., R.H.

Thesis: Is it possible for the Nigerian film industry to excess the boundaries of the African diaspora by touching a broader audience?



Sources:
Chua Beng Huat (2011), ‘East Asian Pop Culture’, in: Felicia Chan, Angelina Karpovich & Xin Zhang (eds.), Genre in Asian Film and Television: New Approaches. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Daya Kishan Thussu (2012), ‘Cultural Practices and Media Production: The Case of Bollywood’, in: Isabelle Rigoni & Eugénie Saitta (eds.) Mediating Cultural Diversity in a Globalised Public Space. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Daniela Berghahn & Claudia Sternberg (2010), ‘Locating Migrant and Diasporic Cinema in Contemporary Europe’, in: Daniela Berghahn & Claudia Sternberg (eds.), European Cinema in Motion: Migrant and Diasporic Film in Contemporary Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.


Hartley, J., Potts, J., Cunningham, S., Flew, T., Keane, M. & Banks, J. (Red.). (2013) Key concepts in Creative Industries London: Sage Publications







https://www.facebook.com/QuesterHannahActor/timeline










http://www.thisisnollywood.com/nollywood.htm







maandag 12 oktober 2015

Giving voice to media production


From the mid 1970s on the production of media has seen numerous changes that have been described using many overlapping concepts, such as flexible accumulation, network society, and digital capitalism (Mayer, 2013: 5). All of these are related to policies broadly defined as neoliberalism (Mayer, 2013: 5). As Hesmondhalgh and Baker, drawing on Menger (2006), point out, creative work has become characterised by ‘extreme flexibility, autonomy, tolerance of inequality, innovative forms of teamwork’ (Hesmondhalgh and Baker 2011: 387). Adding to this, Deuze articulates that workstyles in the media are defined by ‘informal networks among generally short-term (and often freelance) employed professionals within a broader industry dominated by project-based work (Deuze, 2007: 61). Although this kind of work brings more autonomy it also poses its challenges. In this blog we will critically analyze freelance creative work by drawing on the works of Hesmondhalgh and Baker, Mayer, and Deuze on media production. In order to do this, we will give voice to someone who personally experienced the transition in the market. Moving along the timeline of Ricardo Hippert’s work experience we will address concepts like autonomy, digitalization, project-based work, convergence, and explore two initiatives that respond to these changes in different ways: Elance and SEBRAE.


Ricardo Hippert, a 44 year old graphic designer from Brazil and exchange student at Radboud University, shared some of his experiences of working in the creative sector in Rio de Janeiro. Over a cup of coffee, he told us about his life before he came to the Netherlands.


“I started working for Design Studio Eg. Design (http://egdesign.com.br/) in Rio de Janeiro as an intern in 1994. After my graduation in 1995, when I obtained my bachelor in Graphic Design at the Federal University in Rio, I became junior designer and later on senior designer.” He shows us his website (www.hipdesign.com.br): “In 2008 I left the studio to start my own company: Hip Design”. His company still thrives today, but to the question whether he misses his job at Eg. Design, he answers full heartedly: “Yes”.  Hippert sketches a nice, warm environment in the studio of Eg. Design, where there was no rigid hierarchy, but a community of professionals collaborating on projects and managing clients. This type of ‘soft-control’ is often seen as essential to creative labour (Hartley et al., 2013:63). Among others he worked for the largest TV channel in Brazil, made book covers for several publishers and he collaborated with journalists. This illustrates what Deuze points out as the networked character of the media production process that encompasses many industries outsourcing various elements in the production process to save costs and redistribute risks (Deuze, 2007: 58). During his years at the studio, Hippert witnessed a series of changes in the creative industries.


ta-na-roda.png


With digitalization, the Internet and commodification of creativity came less formal working conditions and a high rate of entrepreneurship (Deuze, 2007: 50). He underlines the digitalization he witnessed in the early 1990s when the personal computer became much more accessible. “Access to Intel 386/486 microprocessor powered PC’s (http://www.cpu-world.com/) and graphic softwares like CorelDRAW (http://community.coreldraw.com/) flooded the market with people that started to consider themselves as designers.” This development is marked by others as the ‘cult of the amateur’ (Hartley et al., 2013: 100), that brought the illusion that performing design was just related to mixing beautiful fonts with vivid colours. “Gradually some clients didn’t recognize the real work behind a logotype, a folder or a CD cover. Much more than fonts and colours, it is related to the understanding of the client’s needs, developing a concept, translating this into graphics and delivering it correctly to production. Also the printing process became more accessible with copy shops businesses opening everywhere, dismissing the designer’s technical knowledge.” And so, a new model of social structure was taking form and created new patterns framing the creative industries (Mayer, 2013: 3). As we see today, this change brought new proportions to human agency and media production that is now embedded in our domestic life. Producing media like books, CDs or magazines is widely achievable with the help of digital platforms and dozens of DIY tutorials on the Internet (Mayer, 2013:13).


In 2008 Hippert started his own company and started working from his home office. In addition to his own clients he collaborated with other companies, including his former employer Eg. Design. As Deuze states ‘these kind of project-based inter- and intracompany strategic alliances are typical for work [in] the creative industries’ (Deuze, 2007: 60). According to Hippert, this corresponds to a shift in employment, “you hire a company instead of an individual and thereby, it becomes a business to business relation and no longer a  boss-employee relationship”. In 2011 Eg. Design followed the same path and operated from the owners’ home office. “The main reasons were the expenses of renting a studio, high taxes and the competition with other graphic designers.” This was made possible through two intertwined processes that have a profound impact on media production: convergence of place and convergence of technology (Deuze, 2007: 70). The computer has become an ‘universal machine’ that integrates work and play. Because of this, the boundary between home and office loses its significance (Deuze, 2007: 70).


tropico-dos-pecados.png
Hippert calls attention to a recent development of the platform Elance, an Upwork company. Through this platform clients and freelancers can ‘hire and work with the world’s most talented independent professionals’ (https://www.elance.com). “Elance is a new independent and parallel world with its own dynamics and rules, powered by the Internet and a system that provides a trusted workplace. It brings a concept of a globalised community.” Hippert adds with a smile, “Elance is just becoming a new opponent, unless I decide to work inside its framework and its own competitive market.”


Hippert points to another initiative. “SEBRAE (Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service) (www.sebrae.com.br) is a non-profit private entity that promotes the sustainable and competitive development of small businesses. Its framework provides subsidy in the areas of design, innovation, productivity, intellectual property, quality, sustainability and ICT.” So, SEBRAE holds positive consequences for both clients, providers, and the Brazilian economy as a whole, since small businesses generate 52% of employment in Brazil (www.sebrae.com.br). Hippert’s company is one of the registered providers: “the framework is very fair since regulated services costs are compatible with the marketplace, much more so than the Elance system.”


Although there are many more issues related to media production that are worth discussing, the interview with Hippert draws attention to some of the key changes in creative labour and some of the challenges of freelance creative work. Hippert misses the collaborative atmosphere at the studio during his years at Eg. Design, a business model too expensive in the competitive neoliberal market. Because of ‘the cult of the amateur’ and severe competition with other companies, working as a project-based entrepreneur from an home-based office is almost unavoidable. This provides autonomy and freedom, but presents insecurities and risks as well. Hippert provided us with the examples of Elance and SEBRAE, two platforms that respond differently to the challenges of freelance creative work. But still, even with the help of platforms such as SEBRAE, he sometimes finds himself struggling as a creative worker. However, he remains hopeful for the future. “There is much to come and I hold an optimistic view about the way creative workers are joining in creative clusters to seek new opportunities together”.


B.L., E.K., L.C., N.R., R.H.

Thesis: Keeping ‘the cult of the amateur’ in mind, are initiatives like Elance a threat or an opportunity for creative professionals?



Literature

Deuze, M. (2007), ‘Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work’, in: Media Work. Cambridge & Malden: polity

Hartley, J., Potts, J., Cunningham, S., Flew, T., Keane, M. & Banks, J. (Red.). (2013) Key concepts in Creative Industries London: Sage Publications

Hesmondhalgh, D. & Baker, S. (2011), ‘Toward a Political Economy of Labor in the Media Industries’, in: Janet Wasko, Gragham Murdock & Helena Sousa (eds.), The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications. Blackwell Publishing

Mayer, V. (2013), ‘Making Media Production Visible’, in: Vicki Mayer (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of Media Studies, Volume II: Media Production. Blackwell Publishing, 2013.


Websites:
http://egdesign.com.br/ (Oktober 10, 2015)
http://www.hipdesign.com.br/  (Oktober 10, 2015)
http://www.sebrae.com.br/sites/PortalSebrae/canais_adicionais/sebrae_english (Oktober 12, 2015)